Kelsiut

Kelsiut
Pronounced:	[kɛɬ.si.'ut]
Timeline and Universe:	theoretically this universe, future
Species:	Humanoid
Spoken:	Measceineafh
Total speakers:	~3,000
Writing system:	None, the culture is illiterate
Genealogy:	Proto-Rajo-Faraneit  Proto-Kelsiut   Kelsiut
Typology
Morphological type:	isolating
Morphosyntactic alignment:	Nominative-Accusative
Basic word order:	SVO
Credits
Creator:	Humancadaver101 aka Schwhatever aka Buckfush530
Created:	July 2007

Kelsiut is a relative of Fórong and Faraneit, among other members of the Rajo-Faraneit Family. As it lacks an writing system of its own, the only word transcribed into Roman Orthography is the name, for ease with researching it on the internet.

Phonology

Kelsiut distinguishes the following stop phonemes:

• /p b t d k g/

Fricatives:

• /f v θ ð s z x ɣ/

Approximants:

• /l ɹ ɺ/

Nasals:

• /m n ŋ/

Vowels:

• /i e ɛ a ɔ o u/

Phonotactics:

• (C)V(C)

Distribution:

• /ð z ɣ/ only contrast with their voiced counterparts medially (voicless otherwise)
• /ŋ n/ only contrast medially (/n/ otherwise)
• /ɹ ɺ/ only contrast when not in a cluster (/ɹ/ then)

Allophony

• Stress-related allophony:
  • Stops are aspirated when the onset of a stressed syllable
  • Unstressed /i u/ become [j w] when they proceed or follow another vowel
  • Unstressed /i u/ in other environments become [ɪ ʊ]
  • Other vowels when unstressed slightly centralize
• Other allophony:
  • /si zi xi ɣi/ > [ʃi ʒi çi ɟi]
  • /ni/ > [ɲi]
  • /θ ð/ after a rounded vowel > [f v]

Dialectical Variants

A few dialects merge /s z/ with /θ ð/ in all positions, however, this is a minority realization.

Morphology

One two major derivative morphemes still exist in Kelsiut, given the strong tendency towards isolating forms. The first is the generic pluralizer: -b. A -b is attached to virtually any noun's end to make it plural, but frequently it considered unnecessary as context makes it clear that the thing is plural - so, while important, it is not frequently used.

More important than the pluralizer, is usually the sandhi which results. For instance:

bel vɔx

Could be either-

bel vɔx
tree pretty
pretty tree

or underlyingly

bel(b) (f)ɔx
trees papery
papery trees

But only context can provide the answer. See Kelsiut Mutations for more.

The other main derivative morpheme is -k, which actually functions in a variety of ways depending on what it attaches to. Without it the transformational "mood" would need to be entirely different. For instance:

ɛf ixi lɛt ɔpuzik θɛkut
ɛf ixi lɛt ɔpuzi-k θɛkut
1P.S.NOM break PAST root-TRANS flour
I beat the root(s) into flour.

It is generally used in similar situations between objects that are equal or interchangable -

ɛf bɔnix dɔnk.
ɛf bɔnix dɔn-k.
1P.S.NOM eat 3P.S.ANI-TRANS
I eat (as much/the same food/etc) as him/her.

Syntax

Kelsiut discarded almost every agglutinating or inflecting aspect of its originally less isolating grammar, making it one of the most analytical Rajo-Faraneih Languages. Its structure is relatively simple, beginning with very regular noun and verb phrase forms, then with larger clauses.

Noun Phrases

Modifiers to the base noun are divided into four basic categories: prepositions, quantifiers, demonstratives, and other qualifiers. The first two groups uniformally proceed the noun, the other two uniformally follow. Like so:

θi muk ti ɽi di lɛ
in one house yellow his this
In this one yellow house of his

As you can see, prepositions must proceed not only the main noun, but all other elements of the noun phrase. Quantifiers then follow, then the noun itself bookended by various other qualifiers, and finally the demonstratives. Genitive adjectives typical settle between the various qualifiers and demonstratives, which as led to a secondary word order of placing related clauses prior to the demonstrative but following the other qualifiers:

θi muk ti ɽi xi ixi mɛp lɛ
in one house yellow REL break FUT this
In this one yellow house that will break

Verb Phrases

The verbal complements are much more flexible compared to those in noun phrases. Essentially, which ever modifiers are viewed as most important are stressed by being more fronted that the others.

ɛf ixi ɔz mɛp detin
1-S-NOM break NEG FUT 3-S-ACC-INANI
I will not break it.

Here, the negative aspect is stressed more strongly than the future aspect, so naturally it proceeds it. Still, under no circumstances do any adverbial particles proceed the main verb. A less marked way of saying the above would invert the tense and negative markers:

ɛf ixi mɛp ɔz detin
1-S-NOM break FUT NEG 3-S-ACC-INANI
I will not break it.

While still marking the tense more heavily than the negativity, it serves as a default when neither is more important than the other - making it only a slight stress on the future tense.

Clauses

The nominative subject's clause proceeds most others in general. A fronted prepositional clause is permitted, although it strongly topicalises and stresses the information given in that phrase - making it less frequent option. Following the subject, the verb phrase is placed, and then finally the secondary sections, which follow this order:

usk lɛ bɔnix muk ɔpuzi ɽi θi ti di xi ixi mɛp θi ko lɛ i li pa mɛp ti bik.
usk lɛ bɔnix muk ɔpuzi ɽi θi ti di xi ixi mɛp θi ko lɛ i li pa mɛp ti bi-k.
man DEM eat one root yellow in house 3.S.GEN REL break FUT in moment DEM ABL all fall FUT CAUS old-TRANS
This man is eating one yellow root in his house that will break in a moment as all (the parts) fall down because (they're) old.

Clearly, direct and indirect objects proceed other noun phrases, but following them, a seemingly endless string of related information can be strung along. Generally, it's formatted with location and time prior to method and cause, but those extra components are rather flexible, and similarly to the verb phrase's subcomponents, they can rearrange easily to show greater weight in the overall meaning.

Kelsiut Divergence From Proto-Rajo-Faraneit

Sound and Morphological Changes between Kelsiut and Proto-Rajo-Faraneit

Culture

Kelsiut is spoken by a few small settlements in southern Measceineafh. The vast majority of the population lives on small islets within estuary-like floodplains. Typically, the plains are replete with water during the rainy season (winter and spring) due to rainfall as well as the majority of the dry season (summer) due to snowmelt from the eastern mountain range. During the fall, the water level recedes exposing the Kelsiut-speaking communities to Forong and other local raiders as well as Faraneit caravans, which are reputed for their unpredictable behavior towards non-Faraneih within the Measceineafh.

The majority of the Kelsiut subsist on a dangerous borderline between foragers and farmers. They are semi-nomadic, shifting camps when the water levels first become easily crossed, resorting to hunting game and gathering from wild food sources. Towards the end of summer, however, they return to their ancestral islets and wait for the rains to refill their natural moats. During the rainy season, they gather food from a few sources on their islet until most sources have dimenished greatly. Then they practice slash and burn agriculture along the opposite banks, rowing across their moats to briefly plant a few vegetables. On the islets, they harvest root-fruits from the puzil trees that grow around their houses and fish intermittantly before their crops are ripe. After harvest, the water recedes and they leave for more fertile pastures temporarily, allowing the islets to recharge with harvestable plants and game.

Their culture can easily be divided into the structure used on the islet and those used in the bush. During the dry season, while out in the open land, they follow a more militant paradigm. The groups splinter into smaller bands. Within the bands, women rarely leave the camps. They carry the sleeping mats and watch the children while travelling, but once camp is laid, they remain stationary and forage only within shouting distance. Children (generally defined as pre-pubescents) are permitted even less freedom, remaining within sight of the women in the camp. Men, when not travelling between camps, generally split into different foraging groups, which then disperse in the general area. During the distant foraging operations, the men also scout ahead in case of danger from other ethnic groups.

Other bands of Kelsiut-speakers are viewed as both potential trading partners as well as competitors. Usually bands of Kelsiut-speakers which meet in the open country are peaceful to one another and trade news of any Faraneit caravans or other intruders to the area as well as young girls as potential wives. The constant inter-islet interchange of wives has not only permitted the ethnic group to maintain genetic diversity within islets but also maintain some linguistic continuity. During rare periods of extreme famine, contacts between Kelsiut-speakers, particularly of different islets, can only be described as guerrilla warfare.

Once returned to the islet, the Kelsiut-speakers' culture dramatically changes methods. Instead of militant and male-dominated, the different summer bands on and islet function similarly to clans in Iroquois society. Agreements about land use or other large issues are discussed by all adults on the island, of both genders, until concensus is reached. Gender roles are much less sharpely defined, as both men and women, unless pregnant, clear the shore's brush to make it suitable for horticulture, as well as gather food and cook it. Men generally fish and women generally harvest the puzil roots, but it is not unheard of for individuals to violate this tendency. Men almost exclusively harvest the shore's crops, however, as it is viewed as potentially dangerous for women to work along the shore during the dry season.

Their religion can only be described as animistic, but with some polytheistic aspects.