Arithide Sample Text Corpus
This page lists available Arithide texts, alongside their translations and in some cases their pronunciations in IPA. The texts may be in Modern Arithide, Classical Arithide, or a number of other varieties as noted (e.g. Koine Arithide).
Classical Arithide
Lord's Prayer: Trithe Feyns
| Latin | Late Classical Arithide | Phonetic |
|---|---|---|
| Pater noster, qui es in caelis, sanctificetur nomen tuum. Adveniat regnum tuum. Fiat voluntas tua, sicut in caelo et in terra. Panem nostrum quotidianum da nobis hodie, et dimitte nobis debita nostra sicut et nos dimittimus debitoribus nostris. Et ne nos inducas in tentationem, sed libera nos a malo. Amen. | Fābā rikin, saluminnum hero, histamesit illos ayn. Egura lisgas ayn. Reskeresit deiros ayn, halaginnum saluminnumena. Rikin emnatir haro omnat kreruras, nam kansaruras rīkae syndrē, rikisyndoris syndirēnēs kansariena. On riko avlataguras orgrei, nege riko magāruras vokyrōn. Amen. | 'fa:ba: 'rikɛ̃ sa'luminnʉm 'hero, his'tamesit 'ɪllɔs ajn. 'egɯra 'lisgas ajn. rɛs'kɛrəsit 'di:rɔs ajn, ha'lajinnʉm sa'luminnʉmena. 'rikɛ̃ 'emnatim 'haro 'ɔmnat 'krerɯras, nam kan'sarɯras 'rikai 'syndre:, rikɯ'syndəris syndi're:ne:s kansə'riena. ɔ̃ 'riko avlə'tagɯras 'œ:gri:, nej 'riko ma'ga:rɯras 'vokyro:n. 'amɛn. |
The Georgics (Orpheus & Eurydice): Geōrgikae (Orpheus & Eurydicē)
| Latin | Classical Arithide | Latinised spelling |
|---|---|---|
| Ipse cava solans aegrum testudine amorem te, dulcis coniunx, te solo in litore secum, |
Nakēa kanitis subitī bēlo sakragitis sofio, hete, amō mediā, hete verirē kigum kitis, |
Nacēa canitis subitī bēlo sacragitis sofio, hete, amō mediā, hete verirē cigum citis, |
1
Usually kur.
2
Usually dentosto; ab- for emphasis.
3
Not actually used by the Areth, here only for purposes of translation accuracy.
Modern Arithide
Social Contract: Artrem Etilidas
The following is a translation of the first paragraph and a footnote of Chapter 4, Book 4 of Du contrat social by Jean-Jacques Rousseau.
| French | Arithide | Phonetic |
|---|---|---|
Nous n’avons nuls monuments bien assurés des premiers temps de Rome ; il y a même grande apparence que la plupart des choses qu’on en débite sont des fables* ; et en général la partie la plus instructive des annales des peuples, qui est l'histoire de leur établissement, est celle qui nous manque le plus. L’expérience nous apprend tous les jours de quelles causes naissent les révolutions des empires; mais comme il ne se forme plus de peuples, nous n’avons guère que des conjectures pour expliquer comment ils se sont formés.
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Rik ou Roma ne lesim nevos in peribale fensegrēs eg nieve; dairusa lethēs a sēholē librengēs* he balvalos myra lepsere; on, lefkithē, nabathereryns ablum in sagsissastim tikos, antopoi ethūstaroris soestos, ou othrakastere. Davartos pannatē heiravaes in verkonnegtēs a zeike silos eg karsi; sina eri nabatherēs ou thūstimeve van, rik ou nossenim a thūste roithos paro verim febradei bale.
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rik u: 'roma ne 'lesim 'nevɔs in pe'ribəle 'fɛnsjere:s je 'nieve; 'dairɯsa 'leθe:s a 'sjɛhole: li'brɛŋge:s he 'balvəlɔs 'myra 'lɛpsəre; on, 'lɛfkiθe:, na'baθəryns 'ablʉm in sag'sisastim 'tikɔs, 'antəpei eθy:stə'roris 'sɔistɔs, u: oθrə'kastəre. da'vɔ:tɔs 'pannate: 'hi:rəvais in fɛ:kə'nɛkte:s a 'dzi:ke 'silɔs je 'kɔ:si; sina 'eri na'baθəre:s u: 'θy:stimeve fan, rik u: 'nɔsənim a 'θy:ste 'reiθɔs parə 'verim febrə'di: bale.
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Sinews of Peace: Valonin Tistēs
This is a translation of an excerpt of Winston Churchill's Sinews of Peace speech, more commonly known as the Iron Curtain speech.
| English | Arithide | Phonetic> |
|---|---|---|
| A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately lighted by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshal Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain - and I doubt not here also - towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you, to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an "iron curtain" has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia; all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject, in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and in some cases increasing measure of control from Moscow. |
Jegē lynmyrin irnnos ibat rynna pymmenaerinn i tormos a kossina. Jegenai um Sovietidas Russein nam nossin Komynistim graedimyrim saraftheros a tagus lethos, nit nossenimin kelepsare nam demnorathe hindarioris onēs eg, senun do, pandaideos ou keieve. Russe andekim ounai nam ravatnevyns daefil ita Ankromon Stalīn i, dou didekim saranos nam thavemos eg sene. Britanum ou – nam sines okūm meta hesse – pan Russinēs in ounaēs i ryrim opsaelos nam perydeiros eg seno, sines nevissim filinos eg thūstari nevum pou obagnēs nam gennēs eg konauttoite verhessos eg sene. Doech orodir in pan balvalos eg makrarebat iravim menhisas um pessiere meta Russidas oneros eg vertygne. Ilethes in hatōgim myrēs neri ne sounula kompulos i Russein eg enyste. Asērinn i nin kaed eg enyste. Pan bisinn, Russe ounai pyn denim Atlantarin despidarum in ounai in verabatim, ivelim nam pouari lyntopēs eg enyste. Sina lougos sene: siai bat tygne opsinig sempos eg noktei deiresit entig hē van, Eurōp um legim kallos paro ne sene sempos eg siarai.
Baltasum Shchetsīn o Adriatasum Trst i ou sēhalag i graetē “frasae vorhaung” a kossina. Sit hisos fūrd um Moist nam Oulava Eurōpin korim myrēs in hatollas a souble. Varshava, Berlīn, Praha, Vīn, Budapest, Beograd, Bukureshti nam Sofja; panokin illosseni allas nam nossenim dol in zierindos a illumore Sovietidas likutas iri souble, nam panos a, evegkim bonos ibat, evverirē Sovietidas verjoulevn i, sina Moskva o ne laetinig es sennevē pouari saraftopos i issesit. |
jege: 'lymmyrɛ̃ 'ɪ:nnɔs ibat 'rynna 'pymmənairinnʉ i 'tʰœ:mɔs a 'kɔssɨna. je'genai ʉm sovi'etʰidas 'russi:n nam 'nɔssɛ̃ 'komynistʰim 'graidɯmyrim sa'rafθərɔs a 'tagʉs 'leθɔs, nit 'nɔsnimɛ̃ kə'lɛpsəre nam 'dɛmnəraθe hində'rioris 'one:s je, 'senʉn do, pan'dedeɔs u: 'kʰi:eve. 'russe 'andəkʰim u:nai nam ra'vatnəvyns 'daifɪl ita 'aŋkrəmɔ̃ 'stali:n i, du: 'didəkim 'sarənɔs nam 'θavəmɔs je sene. 'britənʉm u: - nam sinɛs 'oky:m meta 'hɛsse - pan 'russines in u:najes i 'ryrim ɔp'sailɔs nam pe'rydɪrɔs je se'no, sinɛs 'nevissim 'filɯnɔs je 'θy:stəri ne'vʉm pu: 'ɔmbaŋnes nam 'gɛnnes je konot'teite fɛ:'hɛssɔs je sene. dɔiʧ 'ɔrədir im pam 'balvəlɔs je ma'krarəbat 'iravim 'menisas ʉm pe'siere meta 'russidas 'ɔnərɔs je 'fɛ:tʰyŋne. i'leθez in ha'to:gim 'myres neri ne 'su:nɯla 'kɔmpɯlɔs i 'russi:n je 'enyste. a'se:rinnʉ i 'nɛ̃ kaid je 'enyste. pan 'bisinnʉ, 'russe 'u:nai pʰỹ 'denim at'lantərɛ̃ dɛspi'darʉm in 'u:nai in ve'rabətʰim, 'ivəlim nam 'pʰuari 'lyntəpes je 'enyste. sina 'lu:gɔs 'sene: si'a.i bat 'tʰyŋne 'ɔpsinej 'sɛmpɔs je 'nɔktʰi: 'di:resit 'ɛntej he: van, 'europ ʉm 'legim 'kɔllɔs 'paro ne 'sene 'sɛmpɔs je si'arai.
'baltasʉm 'ʃʧɛtsi:no adri'atasʉm 'tr̩sti u: 'sjɛhalaj i 'graite: 'frasai 'fɔʁhɔŋ a 'kɔssina. sɯ'tʰisɔs 'fʏ:dm̩ 'meist nam 'ulava 'europɛ̃ 'kɔrim 'myres in 'hatœlas a 'su:ble. var'ʃa:va, bɛɐ'li:n, 'praha, 'vi:n, buda'pɛʃt, 'beograt, bu'kurɛʃtʰi nam 'sofja; 'panokɛ̃ i'losəni 'allas nam 'nɔsnim dœl in 'dze:rindɔs a ɪl'lu:məre sovi'etʰidas 'likɯtas iri 'su:ble, nam 'panɔs a, e'vɛkkʰim 'bonɔs ibat, ɛv'verire: sovi'etʰidas 'vɛ:juljɔ:ni, sina 'mɔskva o ne 'laitʰinej ɛs 'sɛnnəve: 'puari sa'raftəpɔs i 'issesit. |
Les feuilles mortes: Revēs Ossim
The following is a translation of Yves Montand's famous song.
| French | Arithide | Phonetic |
|---|---|---|
| Oh, je voudrais tant que tu te souviennes Des jours heureux ou nous étions amis. Les feuilles mortes se ramassent à la pelle Et le vent du nord les emporte C'est une chanson qui nous ressemble Mais la vie sépare ceux qui s'aiment |
Ō, ao sofionēs hē ria natēs eg Fenesunei ognē deire. Revēs ossim ou tauvol ibat sthere On mar loityns nossenimeg ave Denim eg opsine kore hē, Sina arie ou kesofionēs eg optage, |
(tbc) |
Blood, Toil, Tears and Sweat: Ersag, Abrad, Nīs nam Buos
This is a translation of an excerpt of Winston Churchill's Blood Toil Tears and Sweat speech.
| English | Arithide | Phonetic |
|---|---|---|
| I say to the House as I said to ministers who have joined this government, I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears, and sweat. We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many months of struggle and suffering.
You ask, what is our policy? I say it is to wage war by land, sea, and air. War with all our might and with all the strength God has given us, and to wage war against a monstrous tyranny never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime. That is our policy. You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word. It is victory. Victory at all costs - Victory in spite of all terrors - Victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival. Let that be realized. No survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall move forward toward his goal. I take up my task in buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men. I feel entitled at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid of all and to say, "Come then, let us go forward together with our united strength." |
House i ou ok therepsyrros i kelyna midrēs iena palle: skaribale lethos ou verim ersag, abrad, nīs nam buos. Rikin ultum ou kantadurastim polyns stritos eg sene. Rikin ultum ou rea, rea pou gaeēs in irithos nam penadir eg sene.
Ao thaere: rikin thereptropos ou anda? Turai, asia nam sahia bat vertoitei meta palle. Rikin pan toros ibat nam Feos a rikei kala didekos ibat ou ravat, nam iterim vokir in skyst nam sultula thereseger i ninevē bisagna safiresim retherir isae vertoitei. Sit ou rikin thereptropos hē. Ao thaere: rikin sytos ou anda? Ir rem ibat klusibale. Irnnos hē. Andaroithē irnnos – pan safir in abtur i irnnos – sinon dum ou andē massere gennere, irnnos asad ou latharie ou nie van. Sit ou saberesit. Britanidas Heiravas i ou nia latharie, Britanidas Heiravas a relevta lethos i ou nia latharie, iteria a poidos ira ultivagai meta ōrekyns teranos, karindos i ou nia latharie. Ouros nam pons ibat tielet eg kontagei. Iter neri rikin poidos a assiraresitev meta entig saele. It roros, ok hirin i ou mesinnim saele, i panyns dyge eg krēpei nam i pallei: “Ilā, rikin irara didekos ibat til ultivaguta.” |
(tbc) |
Living with a strong Russia (Economist, Jul 15th): Didekim Russein itel sonei
| English | Arithide | Phonetic |
|---|---|---|
| FORGET the formal agenda at this weekend's G8 summit, given over to energy security, infectious diseases and education. The really awkward issue for the leaders of the seven rich democracies gathering in St Petersburg concerns their host: how to live with a strong, but increasingly undemocratic, Russia.
Since Vladimir Putin became president in 2000, Russia has in many ways been a remarkable success. Thanks largely to high oil prices, its economy has grown by an average of 6.5% a year. Living standards have improved and a sizeable middle class has emerged. The stockmarket has boomed. Russia is running a huge current-account surplus, it is paying off the last of its debt and the rouble has just been made fully convertible. At the summit Russia also hopes to surmount the last hurdles to its joining the World Trade Organisation. Russians are grateful for these things. They like the stability that Mr Putin has brought in place of the chaos under his predecessor, Boris Yeltsin. They welcome their country's bounceback from the dark days of August 1998, when it defaulted and devalued. They are proud that, as the summit demonstrates, Russia once more counts for something in the world. No wonder Mr Putin has a popularity rating in the 70% range—an achievement that none of his guests can match. Yet as well as these steps forward Russia has taken steps backwards (see article). In Mr Putin's early years optimists hoped that stability and prosperity would not come at the expense of liberty and democracy. Western leaders gave him the benefit of their doubts over such matters as the war in Chechnya or curbs on the media. But it has become ever clearer that Russia is moving in the wrong direction. Greater state control of the economy, especially in the energy industry, has bred corruption and inefficiency. Any serious political opposition has been crushed. The broadcast media have been shut down or taken over by the government and its allies. Regional governors have been squashed—one of the last elected governors was arrested recently—and parliament has been emasculated, continuing the Kremlin's drive not merely to centralise, but to monopolise, political power. There is much debate over when Mr Putin started to go wrong. Many date it to the attack on Yukos, Mikhail Khodorkovsky's oil firm, that began three years ago this month; others say the clampdown started after the Beslan school siege in September 2004; still others point to the “orange revolution” in Ukraine at the end of 2004, when Russia's choice for president, Viktor Yanukovich, lost to the pro-Western Viktor Yushchenko. In an irony of timing, only days before the summit, the Chechen terrorist who was responsible for Beslan, Shamil Basayev, was killed; and Mr Yanukovich re-emerged as a possible prime mini-ster of Ukraine. Yet the truth is that there was no particular moment when Mr Putin “started to go wrong”. Even Kremlin insiders admit that he was determined from the outset to control the television channels and to stamp out political opposition. They concede that Mr Khodorkovsky is in prison for political reasons. Such things reflect Mr Putin's background as a KGB officer. To him, restoring order, staying in charge and reviving Russia's influence are what matter—not wishy-washy worries over democracy and human rights. So what can the West do? The short answer is, not a lot. In the 1990s an economically enfeebled Russia needed help from abroad. Unless the oil price unexpectedly collapses, no such leverage will be available in the near future. Politically, too, pressure from outside is likely to rebound. With the Kremlin once again firmly in control, Russia will almost certainly change only from within—or not at all. This is not to say that the West has no influence. Mr Putin, like other Russian leaders before him, is sensitive to outside criticism. The Kremlin was this week in high dudgeon because senior Western officials attended a conference in Moscow organised by some of Mr Putin's few remaining opponents. The Russians are also neurotically keen to curtail the activities of non-governmental organisations. Here lie some clues to what Western leaders should and should not do about Russia. They should speak out against Mr Putin's moves away from democracy, against his policy in Chechnya, or against Russian use of energy to bully its neighbours (many west European countries have been too timid in their criticism). They should continue to help NGOs and others who are trying to establish a civil society that may, one day, provide an alternative to the dead weight of the Kremlin. As the next presidential election of March 2008 nears, they should insist that any move to amend the constitution so that Mr Putin can run again is unacceptable—and would result in Russia's expulsion from the G8. They should do what they can to press for free and fair elections, even if the Kremlin's chosen candidate seems sure to win. There are things they should not do, as well. Russia's membership of the G8 may be an embarrassment, since it is supposedly a club of democracies. But to throw it out now would only push Russia farther out of the West's orbit, and risk making it even less help-ful over such issues as curbing Iran's nuclear ambitions. Equally, Americans and Europeans are right to assist countries in Russia's near-abroad that want to escape its baleful influence. But to push for Ukraine or Georgia, say, to join NATO before they are ready would serve no good purpose. Above all, Western leaders should avoid giving the impression that what they really object to is not an illiberal and undemocratic Russia but a strong and rich one—a paranoia that even Russia's few remaining liberals all too often share. Sixty years ago a wise American diplomat, George Kennan, proposed that the right policy of the West towards an expansionary Soviet Union under Joseph Stalin should be “containment”. Russia today is clearly no such threat. But it still matters, and the West should care about where it is going. The best policy now is no longer containment but “wary engagement”. |
Ok seirinyns G8 ōdonroutos um hortryns pessina, deumi aedrēs nam eremaros i rilakota esteilim agnesis eg abyssu. Sankt Pyoturburg um indalla ec morterim thellisgaerin latagonēs i nonnē habasserim alethos ou naremon paro hē: didekim sina pouari dosthellisgim Russein itel sonei roithos.
Vladimir Putin a 2000-innis um Rūthex i halla ōne, Russein ou pou sterēs i halare tagallos hē. Lefkithē laet ettilin rebat a eperybon o ene, nossin thethrepos a innis i duvorē 6.5%ē arifti. Sonyns antorēs a ultitoso talossene konēsenonia a danofta. Kostilisos non esheffyra. Russein a nonsyns kolossamos i verrea efrepos eg seno, kothtos eg ogoinikassum sinam roubel a jegē otortē kannagtebalaresta. Sinon ōdonroutos um Russein a Ilethes Kannagtos Myratheros i kelyne ismīga sangos eg kansarei deire. Russīs ou panokēs eg perybe. Putin-ori a, ultoron ita Boris Jeltsin itand in hāorir eg relo, ava konthūstos eg dasie. Obgoinos nam agkollos in skystim natēs ita 1998-innis 8-gae o nossin myr in thyrbondos eg enyste. Hakōrere ou, ōdonroutos a verevte ena, i sena iruha a Russein eg stantos i Ilethes. Omōros fysē Putin-ori a 70% seni enysttapryns holos eg soune—sit ou nin feulēs a themda non kombebalev falyssos hē. Sissinorum, okin ultine tosērin abtur i, Russein non fūrdine tosēs eg fala. Putin-ori ne lesim innēs um riōleionēs ou konthūstos nam vereriftos a elamdos nam thellisgos eg evrelo idelei deiri. Iravim latagonēs ou Chechnjomin ravat nit pyntoulos in kandelos solon meta lethērum inn nei tos eg haleta. Sina Russein a syndim stera i honi meta ōre silisere. Hortros abradias o fyre lepsorim syrroris thethrepos in sountagos a kanhelir nam okontagir eg fekta. Senun kontygne allisgim auffyros a hokouresit. Dairustoulos a nit fōgtesit nit therebos nam daefilēs ibat ibasolesit. Tirrarin lisgonēs a fyktesit—kontūda lisgonēs in ismīgerinos a jegē hardaresit—nam komposoras a nevelekesit, Kremlinin allisgim serros eg evverirē konindarei sina irētagarei verfyros a ansouni. Putin-ori a symfyredakta nevos paro pou verposos eg sene. Pou a 3 innyns ultumin ok gae um dakta Mihail Hodorkovski-ne ettilkasan ine kovagos i parue. Essene a 2004-innis 9-gae ne Beslan ellas sakatos syba kompōgtos a dakte meta palle. Lē antos a 2004-inninos an Ukraenum in “anarin verkonnegtos” i diegme, i a Russein in Rūthexine elea eraenos ita Viktor Janukovich i Iravi-jegim Viktor Jushchenko luda nevos. Sparoris firrosum, ōdonroutyns verirē petrinatēs ansa, Beslan in egnidai, Chechen forrveleion ita Shamil Basajev, a tholesit, nam Janukovich-ori a Ukraenin bale hatōmidra meta iruha danofta, Ahi sempe ou, Putin-ori a “symfyredakta” versenim hyrin eg nie. Kremlinin nerionēs non, irō kilotygnyns nelēs eg basolo allisgim auffyros eg ninokansarei kakemaneri meta kesabre. Hodorkovski-ori a allisgim febrerō ene karakum hē meta kalpalle. Ognēros ou Putin-ori ne KGB klatheston meta noftos eg thyrevte. Nei, stanti an ou datos eg ankarei, rethas um lestei, sinam Russinin verjoulevn eg ariarei meta lethos hē—thellisgos nam iterthropos parone narrim bastos hēv. Ognē Irav a anda eg bale? Kes klusos ou, rea hēv. 1990-innēs an thethreporinn iroima Russein a myrdynō ne dyge eg lassi. Ettilinrebat a avanselegē konkossine haber, jegenai um ognyns asganos ou niai. Allisgim sines dynō ne verhastos a thyrbondebalessene. Kremlin a iruha basolos um didekē ikānabe, Russein ou aula ikeiē neriō haberē, nit brivē, avnegotai. Irav ou verjoulevn a niei meta palliev. Putin-ori a, ultorim essena Russidas latagonēs ena, dynōne dusulpios i laessaelere. Kremlin ou, ok seir, Moskva um Putin-ori ne fysim lathi allisgonēs a konthera symposos i Iravim ōdommidrēs a astora van kandasere. Sinon Russein a dostherebenim sarafthererin agnēs eg koptei faedrissenē deirere. Okūm Iravim latagonēs a Russein paro tagula nam tagavula leths isae faralos a souble. Putin-ori ne thellisgorō ne tosēs isae, Chechnjom in therebtropos isae, nit Russein a hortros ibat kauzinēs eg kavalli an isae dapallula (pou iravum-Eurōpin myrēs a dusulpios um os roeri). DTS solon, Kremlinin ōsstantos i solnerus eg segarebali erema etilia eg ethūstaretori itrēs i, dyge eg kalula. 2008-innis 3-gae ita kolore rūthegei ne kontūdos a jegeni nevum, Putin-ori a iruha iraenebale sytei dīmotremeg in andon segrnegtetoros a dusissestebale meta kompallula, meta G8ō ne Russineg in haberos i hallei. Kremlinin eraenos a ikeiē irnnebalun do lamdim nam esallim kontūdēs eg verthaerei serros eg konsagula. Tagavula lethēs non sene. Thellisgaerin indallos hūla ita G8 um Russinin rindoros a arigonos hēsina, lum daboligun do verirē Iravin rorivagos o lēmakraro, Iranin aksmin napen parone dekeros eg onorei solon alethēs isae fysorē sagsissim hallarei safir eg sene. Valē, Amerikēs nam Eurōpēs a Russinin jegim myrdynum in, halannim verjoulevn eg fyrus myrēs eg dyge an ou mānere. Sina, Ukraen nit Diarrdia ena eg mithere ansa NATO i kelynei fossei ou nia poidos eg sakes. Pan bisinn, Iravim latagonēs a, nonnē auffyre an a olamdim nam dosthellisgim Russein avho didekim nam morterim nos hē meta rakos eg avkaletore—sit ou Russinin fys lathi elamdeleionēs myra ivelē saele dolforrvir hē. Zassol innyns ultan setāvim Amerikim oeler ita Diarrgi Kenen a, Josef Stalīn itand um kelepsarii Soviet Irarmyr i Irav in sakse therebtropos a “onoraros” hē meta segarpalle. Omnat Russein ou signyns jaradir silisē hēv. Sina stantos eg este seno, Irav non nossin ivagas paro kakessula. Lum in etim therebtropos ou aska onoranos avho logidi telkoloros hē. |
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